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Messages - chandna rani

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They were all white people and, for the most part, men. His France is stuck in the past: in the 19th century for literature, and in the 1960s-1970s for popular culture and politics. Racism carved into republican universalism How can one have far-right, if not fascist, views and still not be, strictly speaking, a fascist? Zemmour likes to repeat that his two main political references are Napoléon I and Charles de Gaulle . It is revealing that both men, to varying degrees, come from the authoritarian wing of French conservatism. What's more, this authoritarianism (more blatant in the case of Napoléon I) is compatible with the traditional French republican discourse.

This ideology today unites the right and vast sectors of the left Phone Number List a patriotic story that defends universalism as a supreme value. Universal republicanism is a key notion to understand Zemmour's extremist ideas, which, paradoxically, have their roots in the mainstream of French politics. According to the universalist conception of citizenship, the French nation is a political construction rather than a predetermined ethnic or cultural community. All French citizens are considered equal, regardless of their race, culture, religion or gender.



 French republicanism is said to be "colorblind." This philosophy is inherited from the French Revolution and today has the strong support of large sectors of the political spectrum, from the populist left of Jean-Luc Mélenchon to the extreme right of Marine Le Pen. Zemmour is also a strong supporter of an ideology whose “color blindness” allows racists – like him – to not know racism either. If Zemmour's racism (in particular, his obsessive Islamophobia) is inspired by this universalist conception of citizenship, he does so from a particular point of view: his Judaism.

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General Discussion / Technology, talent and inspiration through
« on: August 30, 2023, 11:22:52 pm »
Between violent realism and dictatorial utopia, extremes shared on the right and left by those who want to win wars to build a "new man", there is political conflict and its republican rules.  As well as the growing radicalization of its victims. violence in the trenches themselves and the generalization of post-traumatic stress. As well as the growing radicalization of its victims. violence in the trenches themselves and the generalization of post-traumatic stress. As well as the growing radicalization of its victims.

In this way, we could say that under capitalism, and more so in its technologized neoliberal version, what we increasingly lack is the world; that is, conflict. That is, republican and democratic politics. That is, politics to dry. The "populist" advance of antipolitics throughout the planet, as an expression of what Steven Forti would call "extreme right 2.0"4, reveals above all this structural "state of war" that has renounced regulating the conflict, that renounces the conflict itself and, therefore, the shared "world" and that, for that reason, because it is already there crumbling ruins, neither it does not even need legal warfare to destroy the common subject.

It is not to be ruled out, of course, that, as now in Ukraine India Email List Putin's criminal invasion, we will see wars multiply and worsen. Putin's gesture is very dangerous, in effect, because it reveals the failure of the regulated procedures for conflict management, both global and international, but it is, above all, because it tries to reestablish naked geopolitics (the practice and the preparation of war) as the only horizon of "understanding" between the powers. Sometimes, from the left, an attempt is made to play down the seriousness of the Russian aggression by opposing a luxuriant inventory of US imperialist interventions, as if it were a banal football revenge or as if we could not recognize and combat evil in different forms and expressions.

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